Former soldier refused anonymity

(An edited version of this piece was published in the Sunday World 26th April 2015)

A judge at Omagh Magistrates Court has refused to grant anonymity to a former soldier who appeared yesterday charged with the attempted murder of a learning disable man in 1974. The victim, John Patrick Cunningham, was killed in controversial circumstances by an army patrol near Benburb, Co Tyrone.

The accused, Dennis Hutchings, appeared in the dock, flanked by a single police officer. The 73 year old accused did not speak except to confirm his identity and that he understood the charge. Hutchings was grey-haired, strongly built, wearing black-framed glasses and a body-warmer.

A police officer said he could connect the accused to the charge. A prosecution lawyer said he had no objection to bail. Judge Nigel Broderick granted bail, on Hutchings’ own surety of £500.

Defence lawyer Stephen Clarke applied for reporting restrictions to prevent any details that could identify the defendant being published. He said this was because of Hutchings’ rights under Article 2 of the Human Rights Act. The lawyer said this was “given the nature of the offence, and the emotive nature of the incident.” He would seek a risk assessment from police.

A prosecution lawyer objected. “Justice in this jurisdiction is open,” he said.

The Judge asked the prosecution if there was any “evidence that there is a real and immediate risk to the defendant’s life.” The prosecution lawyer said there was not.

Judge Broderick refused the defence application. “The media should be able to report details of criminal offences,” he said. “There must be a real and immediate risk to the defendant’s life.”

He remanded Hutchings, of New Road, Cawsand Torpoint, Cornwall, to Dungannon Magistrates Court on June 6^th. He excused the defendant from attending.

Omagh bomb accused may be bailed

(An edited version of this piece was published in the Sunday World April 26th 2014)

The South’s Department of Justice is seeking advice from the Irish Attorney General as to whether it can release certain evidence against the only man accused of the Omagh bombing, a prosecution lawyer told Omagh Magistrates Court on Tuesday. Seamus Daly appeared at the Court by videolink from Maghaberry Prison, charged with 29 murders, and four counts relating to explosions.

The lawyer told the Court the advice related to identification evidence against Daly, and statements he allegedly made in Garda custody. “This is because of a Supreme Court decision that searches under Section 29 of the Offences Against the State Act were illegal,” the lawyer said. “We cannot see how this can be unconstitutional.” He said that a witness had picked out a photo of Daly as being the person who used the phone on August 15^th 1998, the day of the bombing. “The evidence of the eyewitness in the Republic of Ireland is critical against Mr Daly,” the lawyer said. During questioning by Garda, Daly had admitted he owned the phone.

The lawyer said the Public Prosecution Service and PSNI had met the Guards about telephone evidence on Monday of this week. “During the meeting, it was indicated by the Guards that the phone evidence had been collated,” he said. However, he said two court hearings were required before it could be handed over. “It should be with the Public Prosecution Service in six weeks,” he said.

The lawyer said the Public Prosecution Service had requested the evidence in September last year in an International Letter of Request. It is to seek clarity as to when the material will be delivered.

A defence lawyer accused the Public Prosecution Service of “undue delay. All the evidence was in existence from 1998. Now it has transpired we have no date as to when evidence against Mr Daly will be transferred to this jurisdiction.” He appealed for his client to be released on bail.

Judge Bernie Kelly said she was becoming somewhat concerned. Addressing the prosecution lawyer, she said “If you are not in a more definite position in six weeks time, the case for bail is strengthened.” The lawyer said: “That is perfectly reasonable.”

Judge Kelly remanded 44 year old Daly, of Kilnassaggart Road, Jonesborough, Co Armagh, in continuing custody until Mary 19^th. “Two weeks beyond that, there should be a response,” she said. She told the defence lawyer that he might wish to put the Prosecution on notice at the May 19^th hearing that he was applying for bail.

Stereoid dealer faces new charges

(An edited version of this piece was published in the Sunday World April 19th 2015)

Convicted Omagh stereoid dealer Justin McGinn is now facing prosecution for not having planning permission for his gym. McGinn appeared briefly at Omagh Magistrates Court on a charge of failing to apply for planning permission, after being served with a notice ordering him to do so. McGinn’s gym at Ashfield Terrace, Omagh, is in a building where the planning permission is for a shop.

Judge Bernie Kelly remanded McGinn, whose age was not given, of Ashfield Terrace, Omagh, to appear again at Omagh Magistrates Court on April 21^st.

 

McGinn pleaded guilty at Omagh Crown Court last month to nine counts of possessing Class C drugs with intent to supply. Judge Ramsey ordered him to carry out 200 hours community service. A prosecution lawyer had told the court that police searching the gym found Clenbuterol tablets: testosterone and other stereoids in glass vials: and anabolic stereoids in a shoe box. They followed up with a search of McGinn’s home, and found £2,300 in cash.

Court overturns expulsion from school

(An edited version of this piece was published in the Sunday World April 19th 2015)

An Enniskillen father said he has been vindicated after a Judicial Review overturned a school’s expulsion of his son. The Children’s Commissioner has also welcomed the verdice.  Justice O’Hara found the Principal and Board of Governors of St Joseph’s College, Enniskillen, had failed to follow proper procedures in expelling Shaun Reid. The Judge also found against the Western Education and Library Board, after its Expulsions Appeals Tribunal had upheld the expulsion.

Harry Reid took the Judicial Review on behalf of his son, Shaun Reid. St Joseph’s College, had expelled the 15-year old after a classroom fight in March 2013. “There was an injustice done to my son Shaun,” Harry Reid said. “God knows how many people they have done this to before. With the judgement, they’ll not make the mistake any more.”

Harry Reid said the past two years were very hard on both he and his son. “People don’t realise what stress is till something like this happens,” he said. “Over the last couple of years, I’ve had cancer, diabetes, and chronic back pain. What do you think yourself caused that?”

When Harry Reid saw Judge O’Hara’s judgement quashing the expulsion “it lifted a huge weight from my shoulders.” The Judge found the school had failed to carry out proper procedures, and expelled Shaun Reid without examining alternatives. “I declare that the failure of the principal and chairman of the Board of Governors at the consultative meeting on 16 April 2013 to consider alternative measures short of expulsion was contrary to the requirements of the statutory scheme,” the Judge said in his judgement.

The Council for Catholic Maintained Schools’ scheme for expulsion “makes it clear that expulsion can only be considered ‘after all reasonable courses of action have been explored’.” The scheme “requires some expression of alternatives to expulsion and why they are not sufficient.” These were not investigated.

The Judge queried procedures from the start of the expulsion. “Mr Reid’s allegations that he was told that Shaun would be suspended for 10 days is supported by the fact that after the meeting a letter to that effect was sent by the principal,” the judgement said. “That letter was irregular because the maximum permissible period for an initial suspension is five days.”

Headmaster James Jackson-Ware recommended expulsion to the Board of Governors due to an accumulation of incidents during Shaun Reid’s time at St Joseph’s College. This had culminated in the fight. However, the Judge ruled the Chair of the Board of Governors had exaggerated the number of incidents involving Shaun Reid.

Harry Reid said he was concerned at how the school handled the whole issue. Immediately after Shaun was first suspended, he felt despair. “I was getting nowhere,” he said. “Every door was shut against me till I got legal advice.”

Harry Reid is very grateful to a social worker. He went to see her when Shaun was suspended. “I was out of my mind,” he said. “I told her what had happened. She asked me to sit down, and made a phone call. She came back and told me ‘They can’t suspend Shaun for 10 days. He can only be suspended for five days’. ”

He felt everything was stacked against him. “The big problem is I wasn’t allowed representation at the first meeting with the school, and at the Board of Governors,” he said. “In my case, the chair of the Board of Governors was a solicitor, there were doctors and teachers on it. How can a simple person like myself deal with all of that? When I approached the Northern Ireland Commission for Children and young people, they wouldn’t even allow them to go.”

He said he wouldn’t have won without the help of his solicitor, Andrew Montague, his barrister, Desmond Hutton, and Sinéad Mallon from the Commission for Children.

He is angry that because of the expulsion, Shaun didn’t sit his GCSE. “He was denied the chance of dong his exams, of getting qualifications,” he said.

Harry Reid said other children had been wrongly expelled right across Northern Ireland, but had nobody able to speak up for them. “I want to prevent this happening in future to any other parent,” he said. “Shaun had got on the wrong side of the school authorities. They jumped the gun when the fight happened, and didn’t follow the proper procedures. There are procedures there to be followed. In this case, they weren’t.”

Koulla Yiasouma, the Children’s Commissioner, said she was very pleased the Court found that alternative measures to expulsion should have been considered.

“The Northern Ireland Commission for Children and Young People was refused admittance to the meeting which took place between the school and the family to discuss potential outcomes,” she said. “Had we been permitted to attend, we could have ensured compliance with the Council for Catholic Maintained Schools (CCMS) Scheme for the Suspension and Expulsion of Pupils, without the need for legal proceedings.”

His best day was sitting the High Court. Judge O’Hara pointed to the difference between the statement of Ms Sproule, the teacher in class at the time of the fight, and headmaster Jackson-Ware. “That vindicated me and my son,” he said. When the judge said ‘the one who came off best was suspended’.” (Note – I was in the High Court and the Judge said this).

The stress has taken its toll on Harry Reid’s health. “

Irish Jews speak up for Palestinians

(An edited version of this was published in An tUltach, March 2015)

Tá Giúdaigh in Éirinn ag seasamh amach in éadán na leatroma ar Phailistínígh. Labhair mé le beirt Gaeilgeoir ina measc i gcaifé i lár Bhéil Feirste – Sue Pentel agus iníon s’aici, Aisling Nic Eoin, atá ar bhunaitheoirí Jewish Voice for a Just Peace.

Bhí an bheirt ar a mbealach chuig cruinniú den Palestine Solidarity Campaign. Rinneamar ár mbealach trí babhla ológa

Mhínigh Sue go bhfuil clár simplí ag an eagraíocht, gur “Giúdaigh in Éirinn sinn a sheasann leis an phobal Pailistíneach, atá ag iarraidh tacaíocht a thabhairt do choimhlint na bPailistíneach ar son cearta daonna, agus nach n-aontaíonn le polásaí an rialtais in Iosrael. Mothaimid gur gá dúinn seasamh a ghlacadh, agus gan glacadh leis an leatrom atá déanta ar na Pailistínígh le tamall fada. Caithfidh mé a rá gur thug na h-eachtraí, agus na h-eachtraí tragóideacha, a tharla thar an samhradh, gur thug siad cic dom. Spreag siad muid le rud éigean a dhéanamh, agus gan bheith ag labhairt faoi.”

Diúltaíonn Sue agus Aisling don bharúil go labhrann Benjamin Netanyahu ar son an phobail Giúdaigh. “Ar an chéad dul síos, tá formhór na nGiúdach ina gcónaí taobh amuigh d’Iosrael,” arsa Sue. Diúltaíonn sí don Síónachas. “Ní thiocfadh liom glacadh leis, mar Giúdach, mar Giúdach ó chúlra cráifeach, leis na rudaí atá Netanyahu ag déanamh. Ní thiocfadh liom bheith den bharúil go dtig liomsa bheith saor má leagaim mo chos ar an phobal Pailistíneach, go bhfuil cead agam na Pailistínígh a chur amach as talamh s’acusan, as tithe s’acusan.”

Tá Aisling chomh tréan céanna. “Mar Giúdach, mothaím go bhfuil dualgas orm seasamh suas don daonlathas agus do chearta daonna – agus chomh maith, as an traidisiún eile inar tógadh mé, sa phobal Gaeilge,” ar sise. “Mothaím gur dualgas atá ann mar go bhfuil na rudaí seo ag tarlú i m’ainm, in anim mo mháthar, in ainm mo chlainne.”

Togadh Sue féin i bpobal Giúdach i Londain. “Nuair a bhí mise óg, d’fhoghlaim mé faoin Uileloscadh,” ar sise. “Caithfidh mé a rá, ag pointe áirithe, go raibh mé ró-dhírithe ar sin.” Thug sí léi ceacht faoi cearta daonna as sin.

“Níor ghlac mé leis ó bhí mé óg gur ghlac duine ar bith na Giúdaigh thar daoine ar bith eile,” ar sise. “Níl mé compórdach le sin. Tá frith-Giúdachas ann, tá ciníochas ann, so feicim mar a dúirt Aisling go bhfuil dualgas orainn seasamh in éadán gach rud a bhaineann dínít agus cearta daonna ó duine ar bith. Is cuma cén dath atá orthu, nó cá h-as a dtagann siad.”

Feiceann sí cosúlachtaí le h-Éirinn, sa dóigh gur scuabadh sean-logainmneacha Pailistíneacha chun siúil in Iosrael. “Mar duine atá anseo le níos mó ná 30 bliain, agus go bhfuil suim agam sa chultúr Gaelach, feicim gur tharla an rud céanna anseo nuair a ghlac na Sasanaigh – cé gur Sasanach mé – seilbh ar an tír seo, agus go ndearna siad suirbhé ar na h-ainmneacha Gaeilge, rinne siad ath-baisteadh orthu,” ar sise.

Mar Giúdach “is féidir liom bheith i mo shaoránach d’Iosrael, is féidir liom cónaí ann, cionn is gur Giúdach mé, ach más Pailistíneach mé, ní féidir liom, agus más Pailistíneach thú, is féidir liom tú a chur amach as do theach.”

Tá olc uirthi go bhfuil rialtas Iosraeil ag glacadh seilbhe ar níos mó talún. Dar leis an rialtas gur ar son sábháilteachta an phobail Giúdaigh. “A mhalairt atá ann,” ar sise. “Sin an áit is lú sábháilteachta do Ghiúdaigh.”

Tá bród uirthi as na daoine a tháinig amach as an Uileloscadh, agus a thugann tacaíocht do na Pailistínígh, mar go dtuigeann siad nach bhfuil an locht ar an phobal Pailistíneach as an Uileloscadh.

Tá geiteonna sa dúchas ag Sue, nó tháinig a sinsear ó geiteo in oirthear na hEorpa. Anois, in ainm s’acu, tá Gaza ar an gheiteo is mó ar domhain.

Tá Sue níos gníomhaí ar cheist na bPailistíneach le tamall. “Nuair a tháinig mé anseo i dtús báire, bhí mé gníomhach ar son cearta daoinna in Éirinn,” ar sise.  “I ndiaidh tamaill, chonacthas dom go raibh obair le déanamh anseo, agus shocraigh mé bheith I mo bhall den Irish Palestine Solidarity Campaign. Bhí mé ag éirí grúpa Giúdach a bhunú, ach níl an pobal Giúdach in Éirinn iontach mór.” Bhuail sí le Jo Bird as Doire, agus bhunaigh siad an grúpa.

Tá Aisling chomh tógtha céanna faoin leatrom. Is cuimhin léise bheith ag foghlaim faoin Dara Cogadh Mor agus an t-Uileloscadh ar scoil. “Bhí sin iomlán difriúil ó na ranganna eile,” arsa Aisling. “Cionn is go raibh an ceangal sin ann. Is cuimhin liom nuair a bhí mé ag amharc ar Al Jazeera agus na rudaí ar fad a bhí ag tarlú i rith an t-samhraidh, agus bhí na mothúcháin céanna ann.”  Níos measa aici “tá sé ag tarlú in ár n-ainm.”

Agus sin téama a théann fríd an comhrá. Tá daoine muinteartha le Sue in Iosrael. Ainneoin gan iad bheith ar aon intinn faoin Phailistín, réitíonn siad lena gcéile - ach níl sí chun cuairt a chur orthu. “Ní raibh mé riamh in Iosrael, agus ní bheidh,” ar sise. “Rachaidh mé go Pailistín.”

Tá imní uirthi faoin phobal Giúdach, nó feiceann sí an saghas bunúsachas atá ag teacht chun cinn sa phobal Ioslamach sa phobal Giúdach chomh maith, ina measc cuid dá lucht aitheantais i Londain. Clúdaíonn mná a gcinn, caitheann siad éadaí traidisiúnta. Níl cead ag bean dul amach gan a ceann bheith clúdaithe. Caithfidh lámha agus cosa bheith clúdaithe. Tá fir agus na mná scartha. In éineacht le sin, creideann siad gur thug Dia Iosrael dóibh. “Ní creidim i nDia,” arsa Sue, agus í ag gáire.

B’aistear a thug chun na Gaeilge í. “Tá mé iontach bródúil as mo chúlra, as bheith i mo Ghiúdach,” ar sise. Ghlac glúin a tuismitheoirí i Londain leis gur ceart “a gcinn a chur síos agus obair go crua. Ní raibh mise iontach compórdach le sin, bhí mé ag iarraidh na scéalta. Spreag sin mo shuim san Uileloisceadh.” Bhí suim aici, chomh maith, i stair an teaghlaigh.

Agus í ina déagóir, chuaigh sí ar ranganna Eabhraise – go dtí lá mar a raibh mórshiúil in éadán cogaidh Vítnam ar an lá céanna “agus chuaigh mé ar an mhórshiúil.” Chuaigh sí leis an pholaitíocht réabhlóideach, gur léigh Marx. Chuaigh sí go hOllscoil Kent, mar a raibh pobal mór ón dTuaisceart - agus grúpa tréan sóisialach ann. “Bhuail mé le fear, agus sin é,” ar sise. “Tháinig mé anseo i mile naoi gcéad seachtó’s a sé. Bhí clann s’aige iontach foscailte dom.”

Bhí cónaí orthu in Iarthar Bhéil Feirste, rugadh páistí, agus bhí scolaíocht le tabhairt dóibh – agus gur scoileanna Caitliceacha uilig a bhí sa cheantar. “D’amharc muid ar an ghluaiseacht idircreidmheach, agus ní raibh muid iontach sásta le sin. Mhothaigh muid go raibh na Caitlicigh ar thaobh amháin, ná Protastúnaigh ar thaobh eile – cá mbeadh na Giúdaigh, na Giúdaigh aindiagacha? Agus mhothaigh muid go mbeimis ag tabhairt na páistí amach as pobal s’againne.” B’shin nó bhí dúil aici bheith ina cónaí lámh le tuismitheoirí a fir céile.

Chláraigh siad an céad páiste le Bunscoil, chuaigh Sue ag obair ann go lán-aimseartha “agus bhí orm Gaeilge a fhoghlaim, sin tús agus deireadh an scéil.” Tá sí anois ag obair go lánaimseartha san earnáil, agus an Ghaeilge mar chuid dá dúchas.

Janet Muller - continuing the campaign for an Irish Language Act

(An edited version of this piece was published in 'An tUltach', March 2015

Tá áthas ar Janet Muller, príomh-fheidhmeannach Phobail, leis an dóigh go bhfuil ag éirí leo agus iad ag ag stocaireacht ar son Achta Gaeilge. Mar chuid den fheachtas atá acu, bhí saincruinniú i gColáiste Mhuire, Béal Feirste, ag tús na míosa.

Mar chuid den saincruinniú sin, bhí beirt de na saineolaithe ab fhearr ar domhain. B’iad an tOllamh Colin Williams ón mBreatain Bheag, agus an tOllamh Robert Dunbar as Albain. Tá Williams eolach ach go háirithe ar chúrsaí sa Bhreatain Bheag, san Fhionlainn agus i gCeanada. Maidir le Dunbar, tá sé ar na príomh-shaineolaithe dlí sa domhan agus i gcothabháil agus athneartú teangacha mionlaigh. Mar Albanach, tá ar ndóigh an-cur amach aige ar chúrsaí Gàidhlig in Albain – is saineolaí é ag Comhairle na hEorpa.

Dar le Janet go bhfuil táithí idirnáisiúnta riachtanach. “Tá sé i gcónaí iontach tábhachtach an comhairle is tábhachtaí a fháil,” ar sise. Tá sé mar bhua ag an bheirt go bhfuil eolas acu faoi na deacrachtaí a bhíonn ann ó thaobh reachtaíochta. “Bíonn na constachtaí seo faoi chaibidil,” ar sise.

Is gné iontach tábhachtach den cheist sin. “Feiceann siad na rudaí nach n-oibríonn,” ar sise. Baineann cleachtadh idirnáisiúnta s’acu ach go háirithe le míreanna reachtaíochta nach bhfuil cruinn. “Tá sé riachtanach na ceachtanna sin a chur ó thaobh na h-áite mar a bhfuilimid ó thaobh na Gaeilge,” ar sise. “Sílim nár choir do phobal na Gaeilge ná don Roinn Cultúir, Ealaíon agus Fóillíochta bheith ag athcruthú an rotha, agus amharc ar chleachtanna oibre a rinneadh i dtíortha eile.”

Ní ar dhornán tíortha atá Janet agus Pobal ag amharc, ach ar achan tír mar a bhfuil reachtaíocht teangan.

Ní féidir cleachtadh tíre eile a iomportáil chun an Tuaiscirt, ar ndóigh. Tá cúinsí faoi leith ann. Cuireadh reachtaíocht i bhfeidhm gan móran bheith ag cur ina n-éadán sa Bhreatain Bheag, in Albain, agus i gcuid de Cheanada. Tá cearta láidre i gceist sna tíortha sin, agus iad níos laige i dtíortha eile.

Má tá ceacht amháin gur cheart a thbhairt isteach sa Tuaisceart, is é go bhfuil réimse leathan de chearta riachtanach. “Ní fiú cearta cúnga sa reachtaíocht,” ar sise. Ní cearta a bhíonn ansin, nó bíonn reachtaíocht cúng ina chontúirt. “Bheadh naimhde na Gaeilge ábalta a rá – ‘ní deireann an reachtaíocht sin’,” ar sise. “Is é an rud ná go mbeadh sé iomlán soiléar cad é tá ar ranna stáit agus seirbhísí poiblí a dhéanamh. Is é an cheacht ón gcleachtadh idirnáisiúnta ná go mbíonn fadhbanna muna bhfuil moltaí comhleanúnacha, muna bhfuil cearta soiléire, agus muna réimse agus leithne cearta reathaithe.

Tá sampla den scoth den rud nár cheart a dhéanamh ar leac an dorais. “Ní gá dul ró-fhada,” arsa Janet. “Sa Deisceart! Ní fiú Bille muna bhfuil toil leis an Bhille a chur i bhfeidhm.” Ma bhí Acht ann, ní raibh an toil ann ansin.

Leagann Janet síos coinníollacha. “Tá tábhacht le reachtaíocht atá soiléar go leoir le seirbhisí a chruthú, agus dualgaisí cuimsitheacha a chur ar ranna stáit,” ar sise. “Tá sé tábhachtach go mbeadh meá cothrom ar fáil. Tá sé iontach tábhachtach go mbeadh cáipéisí ar fáil trí Gaeilge, ach tá seirbhísí de dhíth.”

Dhéanfadh soláthar seirbhisí saol na Gaeilge a fhorbairt. Bheadh ar an stát daoine a n-earcadh le seirbhísí a chur ar fáil. Bheadh sé riachtanach traenáil agus sain-traenáil a thabhairt dóibh.

Leanann buntáistí eile ó sin. “Ceann de na rudaí is tábhachtaí ná teagasc na Gaeilge do pháistí,” ar sise. “Táimid ag iarraidh córas láidir Gaelscolaíochta. Ba cheart go mbeadh ceart ag gach tuismitheoir páiste a chur chuig Gaelscoil.”

Ní sin an t-aon ceart amháin ó thaobh scolaíochta. “Ba cheart gur coir go mbeadh sé de cheart ag gach tuismitheoirí an Ghaeilge a bheith dá theagasc i scoileanna Béarla,” ar sise. “Sa Bhreatain Bheag, rinne sin an difear.

“Thar cúpla glúin tá an chuid is mó de na daoine ag foghlaim Breathnaise ar scoil. Bhí gach duine ábalta cúpla focal a rá. Cé nár lean achan duine den teanga, d’aithin siad a luach.”

Tá go leoir le foghlaim ó achan cearn den domhain. Dar le Janet gurb é an buntáiste atá ag Pobal ná go bhfuil siad ag glacadh le fíor-saineolas ar bhonn idirnáisiúnta.

Aithníonn sí gur cheist pholaitiúil atá ann chomh miath. “Tá sé ionteach tábhachtach teachtaireacht iontach láidir a thabhairt do pholaiteoirí,” ar sise. Tá sin le déanamh cinnte nach ndéanfaidh siad ach na rud gur mhaith leo a phiocadh amah. Tá an saineolas riachtanach, leis, le bheith ag plé le polaiteoirí.

Caithfear rud eile a dhéanamh agus pobal na Gaeilge ag plé le polaiteoirí. “Tá sé riachtanach na moltaí bheith scríofa síos ar pháipéar,” ar sise. “Ní bheith polaiteoirí ábalta cur chuige roghnach a dhéanamh.”

Tá cainteanna ag dul ar aghaidh go leanúnach leis na páirtithe polaitiúla. Agus ní páirtithe an Tuaiscirt amháin atá i gceist. Bhuail toscaireacht ó Phobal le hAndrew Murrison, Fo-Rúnaí Stáit Parlaiminte in Oifig Thuaisceart Éireann. “Rinneadh an cás go láidir gur gheall Rialtas na Breataine i 2006 gur cheart an tAcht a chur isteach,” arsa Janet.

Má rinneadh an gealltanas sin i 2006, tá díomá ar Janet nach amhlaidh anois. “Tá sé ráite ag Cearál (Ní Chuilín, an tAire Cultúr, Ealaíon agus Fóillíocht) nach bhfuil comhaontú aici ó Rialtas na Breataine maidir le hAcht Gaeilge,” arsa Janet. “Tá sé ráite, leis, nach raibh comhaontú ó na hAontachtaithe ar léibhéal an Tionóil.”

Tá idir imní agus díomá ar Janet. “Bhí an-imní orainn nuair a chonaiceamar an Stormont House Agreement,” ar sise. “Ní raibh rud ar bith súntasach ann faoin Ghaeilge, Níor luadh Acht na Gaeilge.”

Tá sé tábhachtach gur chinn Cearál Ní Chuilín ar chomhairliúchán eile “le go bhfaighfeadh na polaiteoirí amach cad é tá de dhíth ar phobal na Gaeilge.” Tá doiciméid ar shuíomh Pobal a bheadh ina gcuidiú ag daoine atá ag tabhairt freagraí ar an chomhairliúchán. “Tá fadhb le próiséas comhairliúcháin, sin go mbainfeadh polaiteoirí úsáid as muna mbeadh freagraí cruinn,” arsa Janet. Dar léi go bhfuil sé tábhachtach go mbainfí úsáid as saineolas agus sain-táithí idirnáisiúnta le freagraí a thabhairt. Leis, ba cheart úsáid a bhaint as na moltaí deimhne.

Creideann Janet go leanfaidh pobal na Gaeilge ag brú leo ar son Achta, agus ag cur an brú sin ar an trí rialtais, agus “ar na páirtithe, bíodh siad Aontachtach nó Náisiúnach.” Is cinnte go bhfuil rún ag Janet gan stopadh go mbeidh Acht ann.

Journalists must deal with traumatic experiences

(An edited version of this piece was published in 'The Irish Journalist' December 2014)

David Bolton is an internationally recognised trauma expert, who has spoken at several meetings of the NUJ’s Derry North West Ireland Branch. He spoke to ‘The Irish Journalist’ because he believes the work of journalists is of “utmost value” in helping victims – and that some journalists suffer trauma-related conditions because of their work.

Such conditions develop when people undergo life-threatening or appalling experiences. Afterwards they, and those near them, are in danger of developing serious psychological problems.

“One of them is Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, but people can also experience trauma-related depression and other anxiety disorders,” Bolton said. “These can be quite transient, and be overcome fairly rapidly, but are often likely to persist for some people. We know for example that 15% of people involved in traumatic events in Northern Ireland have gone on to develop Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. And then if you add to that depression and other disorders you’re clocking up quite a number of people.” He stressed that “people suffer almost identical outcomes and risks when exposed to non-Troubles related traumatic events such as road traffic accidents, sexual assault, being held hostage in a bank robbery, or indeed things like a sudden and serious illness.”

Through work, journalists meet sufferers. “One of the first reactions a journalist might get in approaching someone is a refusal to take part in an interview,” Bolton said. “That may well be because the very thing the person is trying to keep at bay is the last thing they want to talk to a journalist about – or indeed to anyone else, a doctor or whoever. And one of the most powerful symptoms of traumatic reactions is a desire not to deal with it, to keep it at bay, and that can be done by avoidance, by drinking a lot of alcohol, by working too hard, playing too hard.”

Journalists can help because, like therapists, they tell the person it is safe to speak about a terrible experience. “One of the things a journalist might want to do as part of their care of a person who has been speaking to them is to suggest that they seek help and maybe even suggest that they go and see their doctor,” Bolton said. “And they might even want to say that ‘in the course of our conversation it seems to me that this is a major worry to you and you are deeply upset by this experience and maybe it would be a good thing if you went and saw your own doctor’.”

Bolton believes the work of journalists is “of utmost value. For the individual, it can be the beginning of doing something about their distress. But there’s a wider role here, and the wider role is that, through the telling of stories of traumatic experiences and their consequences, people out there who have had similar experiences, and have yet to seek help, and have yet to deal with their own experiences, are reading material and are hearing people speaking about a thing they can identify with. So what happens is that a person’s terrifying and lonely experience becomes one that is shared by others and is normalised in that way.” The rest of society benefits “because it allows us to be much more sympathetic as a society to the needs of those who have been through these types of experiences.”

Because of their work, journalists also suffer. Journalists are “a bit like medical workers, health care workers, undertakers, who are there to pick up the pieces, to reflect the stories, but who are not thought of as being human and are seen as being somehow immune from the consequences of these experiences.”

He explained that people often don’t make the link between a traumatic experience and their reaction “particularly if the reaction comes some time after the experience. Whatever kind of behaviours are going on they may not be able to link back to that particular event. If journalists find that they are not themselves, then one of the useful questions they might wish to ask is – is there something about the recent past that may somehow be linked to how I’m feeling at the moment. I’m down, I don’t have the energy I had, I’m not the person I was. Or maybe more dramatic than that I’m having these nightmares, flashbacks to something I don’t fully understand.”

The feedback at NUJ meetings has impressed Bolton. Members were interested in the general issue, and able to connect it to their lives. “Even though I was conveying how members of the public react in certain situations, many of the people in the meetings were saying ‘I’ve had those experiences in my work, in reporting events, being a witness to events’,” he said.

He said journalists, like other sufferers, should seek help rather than “walk into darkness. Often people feel highly isolated, alone, the only people who are suffering this problem because it’s so odd and so perverse that nobody else could ever feel like this or be like this. And yet when people came to us and we said ‘Here’s what the problem is. You’ve got Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, or you’re having a depression in reaction to a traumatic event,’ that information alone is highly reassuring for people, and was the basis from which people began to recover and make progress.”

His final recommendation to journalists is to use clear language. “I would urge journalists to use the phrase ‘traumatic stress’, ‘traumatic experience’, ‘traumatic reaction’, so it’s a bit more precise, rather than just the word ‘trauma’,” he said.

Bolton’s expertise in trauma comes from experience. A social worker, his work on trauma began with victims of the Enniskillen bomb of 1987. After the Omagh bomb of 1998, he headed up the trauma team. He is currently a researcher with the Initiative for Conflict-Related Trauma. He is impressed by the work the NUJ in Ireland is doing, most recently the Journalist Safety Conference last year, seeing us as serious in facing the issue.

Four of Fermanagh's most prominent criminals sentenced

(An edited version of this piece was published in the 'Sunday World' of April 5th)

A Judge at Omagh Crown Court has called a case “bizarre and unusual" in sentencing Fermanagh career criminal Paul Arthur Maye. Maye, Malcolm Woods, Patrick McDonagh and Kevin Rogers pleaded guilty to defrauding Gerald McDonald of £107,000 in a betting scam. McDonald was led to believe bets had been placed on his behalf. Then he was persuaded pay money to release his ‘winnings’.

According to a statement of facts agreed between prosecution and defence, the fraud began in December 2010. McDonald met McDonagh in an Enniskillen bar. McDonagh gave McDonald a tip on a “sure thing,” and Maye said he’d put £500 on for McDonald.

That horse lost. Next day, a man called ‘Charlie’ rang McDonald, claiming to be the horse’s trainer.  ‘Charlie’ claimed to have bet on another horse that supposedly won, netting McDonald £4,000.

Next day, McDonagh arrived by taxi at McDonald’s house, saying McDonald would have to pay to access his winnings. The two went to a bank in Enniskillen and McDonald withdrew £1,000 for McDonagh. He withdrew another £500 and paid Maye.

The following week, ‘Charlie’ rang twice. Firstly, claiming he had placed a £2,000 winning bet. Secondly, seeking £1,000 to release the winnings. ‘Charlie’ arranged to meet McDonald – but a young boy came instead, and collected the money.  

McDonald got no winnings. Next, ‘Charlie’ rang so say Customs had stopped him, seizing his jeep – and McDonald’s winnings. McDonald borrowed £1,200 to have the jeep released. McDonagh collected that money.

Then ‘Thomas Montgomery’ rang, claiming to be a Customs officer and to have McDonald’s cash. A ‘Brian’ also rang, offering to sort the matter. McDonald started paying him to do so.

The last caller called himself ‘Aja’. He persuaded McDonald to pay £60,000 to access the winnings, supposedly between £170,000 and £200,000. By the end of June 2012, McDonald had paid over £107,000, but received no winnings. A number of the various callers rang from Woods’ phone.

Giving judgement, Judge Ramsey said: “This is, on any point of view, a bizarre and unusual set of sentences.” It was unclear whether any of the callers existed. “There is no evidence this fraud was masterminded by another person not before the court, or by some of the accused” the Judge said. He noted, however, there was no application for the recovery of proceeds of crime.

The Judge said Maye has “a significant and substantial record for dishonesty,” but added “your role in the case is relatively peripheral.” He said Woods had “a considerable record which relates to offences of dishonesty.” Rogers had a “formidable record, with many offences of dishonesty.”

The Judge imposed an 18 month suspended sentence for conspiracy to defraud on 51 year old Maye of Sallys Wood, Irvinestown. He imposed the same sentence on 25 year old McDonagh of Briar’s Hill Road, Irvinestown for conspiracy to defraud and converting criminal property. He imposed a 12 month suspended sentence on 43 year old Rogers of Sallys Wood, Irvinestown, for conspiracy to defraud: along with suspended sentences of three months and one month for assaulting police in another incident. He imposed an 18 month suspended sentence on 48 year old Woods of Sallys Wood, Irvinestown, for aiding and abetting conspiracy to defraud.

Maye was ordered to pay McDonald £2,500 in compensation, and Woods £2,000. McDonagh and Rogers were ordered to each pay £1,000. After the hearing, Maye approached a number of police officers in the court and shook their hands.