Journalists must deal with traumatic experiences

(An edited version of this piece was published in 'The Irish Journalist' December 2014)

David Bolton is an internationally recognised trauma expert, who has spoken at several meetings of the NUJ’s Derry North West Ireland Branch. He spoke to ‘The Irish Journalist’ because he believes the work of journalists is of “utmost value” in helping victims – and that some journalists suffer trauma-related conditions because of their work.

Such conditions develop when people undergo life-threatening or appalling experiences. Afterwards they, and those near them, are in danger of developing serious psychological problems.

“One of them is Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, but people can also experience trauma-related depression and other anxiety disorders,” Bolton said. “These can be quite transient, and be overcome fairly rapidly, but are often likely to persist for some people. We know for example that 15% of people involved in traumatic events in Northern Ireland have gone on to develop Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. And then if you add to that depression and other disorders you’re clocking up quite a number of people.” He stressed that “people suffer almost identical outcomes and risks when exposed to non-Troubles related traumatic events such as road traffic accidents, sexual assault, being held hostage in a bank robbery, or indeed things like a sudden and serious illness.”

Through work, journalists meet sufferers. “One of the first reactions a journalist might get in approaching someone is a refusal to take part in an interview,” Bolton said. “That may well be because the very thing the person is trying to keep at bay is the last thing they want to talk to a journalist about – or indeed to anyone else, a doctor or whoever. And one of the most powerful symptoms of traumatic reactions is a desire not to deal with it, to keep it at bay, and that can be done by avoidance, by drinking a lot of alcohol, by working too hard, playing too hard.”

Journalists can help because, like therapists, they tell the person it is safe to speak about a terrible experience. “One of the things a journalist might want to do as part of their care of a person who has been speaking to them is to suggest that they seek help and maybe even suggest that they go and see their doctor,” Bolton said. “And they might even want to say that ‘in the course of our conversation it seems to me that this is a major worry to you and you are deeply upset by this experience and maybe it would be a good thing if you went and saw your own doctor’.”

Bolton believes the work of journalists is “of utmost value. For the individual, it can be the beginning of doing something about their distress. But there’s a wider role here, and the wider role is that, through the telling of stories of traumatic experiences and their consequences, people out there who have had similar experiences, and have yet to seek help, and have yet to deal with their own experiences, are reading material and are hearing people speaking about a thing they can identify with. So what happens is that a person’s terrifying and lonely experience becomes one that is shared by others and is normalised in that way.” The rest of society benefits “because it allows us to be much more sympathetic as a society to the needs of those who have been through these types of experiences.”

Because of their work, journalists also suffer. Journalists are “a bit like medical workers, health care workers, undertakers, who are there to pick up the pieces, to reflect the stories, but who are not thought of as being human and are seen as being somehow immune from the consequences of these experiences.”

He explained that people often don’t make the link between a traumatic experience and their reaction “particularly if the reaction comes some time after the experience. Whatever kind of behaviours are going on they may not be able to link back to that particular event. If journalists find that they are not themselves, then one of the useful questions they might wish to ask is – is there something about the recent past that may somehow be linked to how I’m feeling at the moment. I’m down, I don’t have the energy I had, I’m not the person I was. Or maybe more dramatic than that I’m having these nightmares, flashbacks to something I don’t fully understand.”

The feedback at NUJ meetings has impressed Bolton. Members were interested in the general issue, and able to connect it to their lives. “Even though I was conveying how members of the public react in certain situations, many of the people in the meetings were saying ‘I’ve had those experiences in my work, in reporting events, being a witness to events’,” he said.

He said journalists, like other sufferers, should seek help rather than “walk into darkness. Often people feel highly isolated, alone, the only people who are suffering this problem because it’s so odd and so perverse that nobody else could ever feel like this or be like this. And yet when people came to us and we said ‘Here’s what the problem is. You’ve got Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, or you’re having a depression in reaction to a traumatic event,’ that information alone is highly reassuring for people, and was the basis from which people began to recover and make progress.”

His final recommendation to journalists is to use clear language. “I would urge journalists to use the phrase ‘traumatic stress’, ‘traumatic experience’, ‘traumatic reaction’, so it’s a bit more precise, rather than just the word ‘trauma’,” he said.

Bolton’s expertise in trauma comes from experience. A social worker, his work on trauma began with victims of the Enniskillen bomb of 1987. After the Omagh bomb of 1998, he headed up the trauma team. He is currently a researcher with the Initiative for Conflict-Related Trauma. He is impressed by the work the NUJ in Ireland is doing, most recently the Journalist Safety Conference last year, seeing us as serious in facing the issue.

Four of Fermanagh's most prominent criminals sentenced

(An edited version of this piece was published in the 'Sunday World' of April 5th)

A Judge at Omagh Crown Court has called a case “bizarre and unusual" in sentencing Fermanagh career criminal Paul Arthur Maye. Maye, Malcolm Woods, Patrick McDonagh and Kevin Rogers pleaded guilty to defrauding Gerald McDonald of £107,000 in a betting scam. McDonald was led to believe bets had been placed on his behalf. Then he was persuaded pay money to release his ‘winnings’.

According to a statement of facts agreed between prosecution and defence, the fraud began in December 2010. McDonald met McDonagh in an Enniskillen bar. McDonagh gave McDonald a tip on a “sure thing,” and Maye said he’d put £500 on for McDonald.

That horse lost. Next day, a man called ‘Charlie’ rang McDonald, claiming to be the horse’s trainer.  ‘Charlie’ claimed to have bet on another horse that supposedly won, netting McDonald £4,000.

Next day, McDonagh arrived by taxi at McDonald’s house, saying McDonald would have to pay to access his winnings. The two went to a bank in Enniskillen and McDonald withdrew £1,000 for McDonagh. He withdrew another £500 and paid Maye.

The following week, ‘Charlie’ rang twice. Firstly, claiming he had placed a £2,000 winning bet. Secondly, seeking £1,000 to release the winnings. ‘Charlie’ arranged to meet McDonald – but a young boy came instead, and collected the money.  

McDonald got no winnings. Next, ‘Charlie’ rang so say Customs had stopped him, seizing his jeep – and McDonald’s winnings. McDonald borrowed £1,200 to have the jeep released. McDonagh collected that money.

Then ‘Thomas Montgomery’ rang, claiming to be a Customs officer and to have McDonald’s cash. A ‘Brian’ also rang, offering to sort the matter. McDonald started paying him to do so.

The last caller called himself ‘Aja’. He persuaded McDonald to pay £60,000 to access the winnings, supposedly between £170,000 and £200,000. By the end of June 2012, McDonald had paid over £107,000, but received no winnings. A number of the various callers rang from Woods’ phone.

Giving judgement, Judge Ramsey said: “This is, on any point of view, a bizarre and unusual set of sentences.” It was unclear whether any of the callers existed. “There is no evidence this fraud was masterminded by another person not before the court, or by some of the accused” the Judge said. He noted, however, there was no application for the recovery of proceeds of crime.

The Judge said Maye has “a significant and substantial record for dishonesty,” but added “your role in the case is relatively peripheral.” He said Woods had “a considerable record which relates to offences of dishonesty.” Rogers had a “formidable record, with many offences of dishonesty.”

The Judge imposed an 18 month suspended sentence for conspiracy to defraud on 51 year old Maye of Sallys Wood, Irvinestown. He imposed the same sentence on 25 year old McDonagh of Briar’s Hill Road, Irvinestown for conspiracy to defraud and converting criminal property. He imposed a 12 month suspended sentence on 43 year old Rogers of Sallys Wood, Irvinestown, for conspiracy to defraud: along with suspended sentences of three months and one month for assaulting police in another incident. He imposed an 18 month suspended sentence on 48 year old Woods of Sallys Wood, Irvinestown, for aiding and abetting conspiracy to defraud.

Maye was ordered to pay McDonald £2,500 in compensation, and Woods £2,000. McDonagh and Rogers were ordered to each pay £1,000. After the hearing, Maye approached a number of police officers in the court and shook their hands.

Pupil's father seeks judicial review of suspension

(An edited version of this piece was published in the Impartial Reporter March 19th 2015)

The High Court in Belfast has heard a Judicial Review against the decision of St Joseph’s College to first suspend and then expel an Enniskillen boy who suffers from learning difficulties. Harry Reid is taking the Review on behalf of his son, Shaun Reid. Harry Reid is also seeking to judicially review the decision of the Western Education and Library Board’s Schools Expulsion Appeals Tribunal to uphold the expulsion.

Shaun Reid was first suspended, then expelled, from St Joseph’s following a classroom incident in March 2013. The other boy in the incident suffered a broken nose.

A lawyer for Shaun Reid accused the school of not using proper procedure because it wanted rid of a pupil seen as troublesome. The lawyer told the Court that the version of events which school principal James Jackson-Ware gave differed significantly from the statement given by the teacher present at the time. The teacher, Ms Sproule, said: “I became aware that Shaun Reid and (another boy)  had started to fight at the back of the room. … I realised that it was a serious fight and not just giving each other a push. I observed both boys throwing punches and saw one punch landing on (the other boy’s) face.  I ran across the room and separated them. (The other boy’s) nose was bleeding and I walked him over to a seat at the front of the room and told Shaun to go to his seat (at the back corner).”

In a further statement, Ms Sproule said that, when she approached them: “The boys immediately stopped.”

The lawyer said that, in evidence to the Western Education and Library Board Expulsion Appeals Tribunal, Jackson-Ware said: “He (Shaun Reid) did not stop when he was told and broke Ernest’s nose.” Judge O’Hara commented there was nothing to indicate that Reid had continued with the attack when told to cease.

The lawyer said that Harry Reid always accompanied Shaun Reid to and from school. On the day of the incident, Jackson-Ware met Harry Reid at the gate and took him to the office. There he told Harry Reid: “Shaun had been involved in an unprovoked attack on another pupil.” Jackson-Ware then suspended Shaun Reid, telling Harry Reid this was to give him time to find another school for his son. The lawyer said this was before Jackson-Ware saw Ms Sproule’s statement. Shaun Reid was first suspended for 10 days. A second letter, received on the same day, reduced that to five days.

The lawyer said “the Principal had already come to a conclusion.” Shaun Reid had caused difficulties in the past and “this brought it to a head.”

A Board of Governor’s meeting in April 2013 expelled Shaun Reid. This was upheld by the Schools Expulsion Appeals Tribunal.

The lawyer accepted there had been problems with Shaun Reid’s behaviour. He quoted school records indicating this had improved since November 2011, when Shaun Reid had been diagnosed with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder. He also accused the school of breaching the Council for Catholic Maintained Schools scheme for suspension and expulsion. ‘Fighting’ is not given as a reason for expulsion.

A lawyer for St Joseph’s College said it was “a school that cares. … This is a school that has provided continuous supportive assistance to this individual.” He said there had been a whole series of “red flag” disruptive incidents. Shaun Reid was “someone who has caused a lot of difficulties for the school,” and given inconsistent versions of the incidents. St Joseph’s College had a “duty of care” to staff and other pupils.

Judge O’Hara interjected that, on the statement of Ms Sproule “the one who came off best was suspended.”

The College’s lawyer said the expulsion was “a last resort measure” because of an accumulation of events. “It’s not just the 13^th of March,” the lawyer said. “It’s not just the previous incident. It’s the two together.”

Judge O’Hara interjected to query whether there was anything in the Board of Governors’ minutes regarding Shaun Reid’s future education being discussed. The lawyer said this was only when raised by Harry Reid.

A lawyer for the Western Education and Library Board said the Schools Expulsion Appeals Tribunal “have to have regard to other pupils and teachers in the school.” He called the fight “a last resort incident,” and said Shaun Reid was guilty of “persistent unacceptable behaviour.”

Judgement in the case is expected in the next couple of weeks. Shaun Reid had been charged with assault in connection with the incident, but the charges were later dropped.

  

Pam Brighton - making the voices of the voiceless heard

(An edited version of this was published in the Irish Times March 7th 2015)

Pam Brighton born October 22^nd 1946; died February 22^nd 2015

Pam Brighton, who has died in her adopted home of Belfast, was a Yorkshire-born theatre director who was central to developing people’s theatre in West Belfast. She mentored almost a generation of the city’s playwrights and actors, and was a founder of the innovative DubbleJoint company.

Brighton’s theatre was about making the voices of the voiceless heard. She had little interest in directing classic texts, and preferred working outside the established theatre. Her commitment was to making theatre relevant and accessible to working class people, which flowed from her Marxist beliefs. In her later years she specialised in work which articulated the feelings of Catholic West Belfast.

Brighton was an excellent script editor, because she could spot the flaws in a script. Another gift was the ability to find nuances in a character which the playwright hadn’t identified.

Pamela Dallas Brighton was born in Bradford, Yorkshire, in October 1946, the only child to Norman Brighton and his wife Marjorie (née Peel). Norman Brighton worked in a garage, installing insulation in vehicles. He died of asbestosis when she was 15.

After secondary education at Bradford’s Grange Girls Grammar School, where she won the prize for Senior Scripture, she studied Politics at the London School of Economics.

After graduating, she worked at London’s Royal Court Theatre, in charge of its Young People’s Theatre Scheme. The language used in some productions provoked protests from the Inner London Education Authority, and questions in the British parliament. After leaving the Royal Court she worked at other theatres in London, Toronto, and Stratford (Canada), with some forays to Australia. She lived in Canada for a number of years. A couple of times, she seemed to be on the verge of mainstream success only to have it elude her. Her complex personality and honesty did not help. A Toronto newspaper interviewed her the day before one production opened. She said: “It’s very depressing to do a play that’s terribly flawed. But there’s no use pretending it’s good when it isn’t.” She was bankrupted by a High Court action against playwright and close friend Marie Jones over the authourship of hit play ‘Stones In Our Pockets’.

She came to Belfast by accident. She met playwright Martin Lynch at the Edinburgh Festival in the early 1980s. He needed a director for a play he had written for the Charabanc theatre company. She came over, found West Belfast was a home, and moved there permanently in the late 1980s. For a while she worked there with the BBC’s drama department. However, she was not a woman who fitted into such a structured organisation – particularly as she only wanted to do work she was interested in.

At one stage she abandoned theatre altogether, and qualified as a barrister in 1986, working for a while in the human rights field. The sirens of the theatre called her back, though, and she answered them.

Pam Brighton is survived by her son Ned Cohen, daughter-in-law Jeanette, and grandchildren Oisín and Dearbhla.

GAA Centre of Excellence in legal battle

Tyrone GAA’s £6million Centre of Excellence at Garvaghy is at the centre of a legal battle. A sub-contactor who claims he was not paid for work done during construction is taking legal action against the Tyrone County. Fintona-based Top Tools is seeking £26,879.40 from the County Board

A lawyer for the sub-contractor told a short hearing at Omagh County Court that the Board first main contractor hired to build the Centre had agreed a contract to supply items with Top Tools. This first main contractor then “went bust.” The lawyer said that a senior GAA official offered payment for work done. “Afterwards, the Tyrone County Board denied the existence of any contract,” the barrister said. However, the County Board subsequently settled one invoice for work carried out for the first contractor. This was done “when faced with the inevitability of legal action.”

A barrister for the Board told the Court that another main contractor took over construction at Garvaghy. As a result “Tyrone County Board circulated a letter that they would pay for works completed after (the first contractor went bust).” He accused Top Tools of seeking that “the Board should pay for work, which the Board had already paid for, but McCann Brothers (the contractors) did not pay the subcontractors for.”

The barrister for Top Tools denied this. He said that the County Board had authorised payments to subcontractors after the first main contractor had gone bust. He named a senior County Board official as having “paid for materials after McCann Brother went bust from his own credit card.”

Judge McReynolds said it was “a very Tyrone case.” She suggested both sides “spit on their hands” and shake on a deal, in the traditional way. After a short adjournment for discussion between the two sides, the case was adjourned for hearing on April 15^th.

Guide 'told and sold Derry's story like nobody else'

(An edited version of this piece was published in the Irish Times February 21st 2015

Martin McCrossan – born May 7^th 1962, died February 6^th 2015

Martin McCrossan, who has died after a short illness, was one of the main drivers in the tourism industry in Derry. Some 20 years ago he established City Tours, offering walking tours of Derry. It was a time when investing in Northern tourism was a gamble. He not only built a business, but became a spokesperson for tourism in Derry. Two years ago, he won the Northern Ireland Tourist Board’s ‘Tourism Hero’ award.

His importance is seen by the way his passing attracted tributes from across the political spectrum. Arlene Foster, the North’s Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Investment, paid an unprompted tribute when asked an unrelated question during Question Time in the Assembly. She called McCrossan “one of tourism's great ambassadors in Northern Ireland …. Let me pass on my deepest sympathy to Martin's wife Sharon and his family. He was a great ambassador in the Member's city and brought many tours around the city's walls. We will miss him dreadfully from tourism in Northern Ireland.” Tributes also came from Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness, and SDLP MP Mark Durkan. Durkan summed McCrossan up: “Martin McCrossan told and sold Derry’s story like nobody else.”

Part of that telling and selling was making his tours value for money. They impressed a travel writer from the London ‘Daily Telegraph’: “If there was an award for the best value for money on the planet, Martin McCrossan's walking tours of Londonderry would get my vote. Moreover, I don’t think I’ve ever learned as much as in the hour I spent walking with him around the walls of the city whose famous siege from 1688 to 1689 changed British and European politics forever, and around the Bogside – crucible of The Troubles and scene of the controversial Bloody Sunday shootings of 1972. Fascinating stories from a fascinating storyteller.”

Martin McCrossan was born in Derry May 1962, seventh of 14 children to Gerard McCrossan, one of the City’s most colourful bookmakers, and his wife Helen (née Irvine). After primary education, he attended St Joseph’s Secondary School.

Throughout McCrossan’s life he was a dynamo, who enjoyed business, including the cut and thrust of competition. From shortly after leaving school, he worked as a small shopkeeper.

His tour guiding developed from his newsagent’s and tobacconist’s shop on Carlisle Road in Derry City centre. Tourists frequently came in with queries. Having an interest in Derry’s history, he would answer them. This showed him an opening, and he established Derry City Tours. He returned to education, and qualified as a tour guide.

He will be missed from Derry City Centre, where his yellow coat was a part of the streetscape. The downpours that are a feature of Derry’s weather did not drive him into shelter: rather, he opened out his umbrella and rushed on round the City, whose beauty he saw before many others did.

Martin McCrossan is survived by his wife Sharon, daughters Christina and Charlene, and grandchildren Bain and Tate.

The Massacre at Charlie Hebdo

(first published in An tUltach, January 2015)

#JeSuisCharlie

Is guth beag atá againne leis ‘An tUltach’. Mar sin, tá sé tábhachtach go nglacfaimis seasamh ar an ár a rinneadh ar fhoireann ‘Charlie Hebdo’.

Ba bhuille do shaoirse na meán é, do shaoirse cainte, dúinn uilig atá ag éirí eolais a chur ar fáil – sea, agus don lucht léitheoireachta atá ag iarraidh eolais. Ní h-aon Charlie Hebdo é ‘An tUltach’. Mar sin féin, is iris é a thugann guth do mhionlach, Geaeilgeoirí Chúige Uladh.

Ba ghuth ag mionlach sa bhFrainc é Charlie Hebdo. Bhain sé le traidisiún áirithe francach den aor agus den mhagadh – tráidisiún nach bhfuil ar bhlas an uile duine, dála an scéil. Pillfimid ar sin ar ball.

Chuaigh ar tharla go mór i bhfeidhm ar mhuintir na Fraince, nó ba chuid de dhúchas s’acu é – dúchas a chuaigh siar go dtí na meánaoiseanna.

Dúirt James Overton, iriseoir atá ina Chathaoirleach, Craobh Phárais, Aontas na nIriseoirí, gur tháinig Páras ina lán-stad ag meán lae an 8ú Eanáir. “Bhí mé ag stáisiún metro an Place d’Italie nuair a d’fhógair bolscaire ar an chóras fógartha poiblí go mbeadh bomaite ciúnas ag meán lae,” ar seisean. “D’fhan na traenacha ag an ardán na doirse ar oscailt. Thuirling daoine, gur bhain díobh a gcuid hataí. Bhí foireann córas iompair na cathrach ina seasamh ar aire. Bhí bean meán-aosta amháin agus caoineadh. Agus, ós rud é gur seo metro Phárais, bhí paisinéar mire amháin ag scairteadh leis gan ciall ag bun carráiste amháin.”

Faraor, tharla macallaí an ruda a tharla sa bhFrainc anseo. Tá sé 14 bliain ó dúnmaraíodh an t-iriseoir Marty O’Hagan, cara agus comhghleacaí liom, ar an Lurgan. B’iad an LVF (Fórsa na nÓglach Dílseach) a dhúnmaraigh é.

Bhíodh Marty i gcónaí dá bhfíosrú. Bhí sé go háirithe ag fiosrú na nascanna a bhí idir an LVF agus daoine sna fórsaí slándála. Nuair a dúnmaraíodh é, bhí sé ag obair ar scéal a bhain le péas sinsearach áirithe. Níor cionntaíodh duine ar bith riamh as an dúnmharú, cé go luaitear ainmneacha go forleathan. Tá sé amuigh ar chúpla duine acu go raibh siad ina ngníomhairí ag na fórsaí slándála.

Is suntasach amharc ar an difear idir an dóigh gur láimhsíodh cás Marty agus cás Veronica Guerin. B’úafásach agus ba thragóideach é dúnmharú Guerin.

Cionntaíodh daoine as an dúnmharú. Ar ndóigh, bhí an dúnmharú sin oiriúnach don leagan oifigiúil. Ba lucht díolta drugaí a dhúnmharaigh ise.

Caithfear a rá lom amach: bhí bagáiste ag Marty. B’iar cime poblachtach é, a chaith seal faoi ghlas as bheith ina óglach san IRA Oifigiúil. Mar sin, bhí siad ann a sheachain cás s’aige. Leis, tá ceisteanna faoi lucht a mharuithe, agus an ceangal idir iad agus daoine sna fórsaí slándála.

Bhí dúnmharú Marty ar an sampla ba chríochnaithe ar an imeaglú ar iriseoirí sa Tuaisceart. Rinneadh bagairtí ar go leoir again: dílseoirí ba mhó, ach níl na grúpaí éagsúla poblachtacha gan locht. Tá an stát ag déanamh bagairtí chomh maith. Is é sin, tá siad ag iarraidh ar iriseoirí pictiúirí agus nótaí a chur ar fáil: beart a chuireann sinn i mbaol. Bíonn sé deacair go maith bheith ag plé le dreamanna áirithe anseo – gan iad bheith den bharúil go bhfuilimid ag obair ar son na bhfórsaí slándála.

Thug ár Phárais an t-imeaglú seo go croí-lár na hEorpa. Bhí seo ar an ár ba mheasa dá ndearnadh ar iriseoirí san Eoraip.

Níorbh é, faraor, an t-ár ba mheasa dá ndearnadh ar domhain. Rinneadh sin in ár Maguidanao ar Oileán Mindanao sna hOileáin Fhilipíneacha. Sé bhliain ó shoin, dúnmaraíodh 34 iriseoir, agus 24 eile. Bhí na h-iriseoirí ag tuairisciú ar pholaiteoir áitiúil, a bhí ag tabhairt dúshláin ghobharnóra an chúige. Rinne 100 fir armtha de lucht tacaíochta an ghobharnóra ionsaí orthu. Rinneadh éigniú ar ceathrar ban-iriseoir a dúnmaraíodh. Dála cás Mharty, luaitear ainmneacha na ndúnmharfóirí go forleathan: go dtí seo, níor cionntaíodh duine ar bith.

Anuraidh, rinneadh ár ar iriseoirí ar fud an domhain. Ba sa ‘Tríú Domhain’ a bhformhór. Maraíodh naonúr san Afganastáin: maraíodh seachtar san Iráic: níl aon ionadh go bhfuileamar chomh dall ar a bhfuil d’úafáis ag tarlú sa dá thír sin. Ní i dtíortha iargúlta amháin atá iriseoirí dá marú: maraíodh cúigear i Meicsiceo, tír atá forbartha ar go leoir dóigheanna agus ar thairseach na Stát Aontaithe. Tá an tír i mbaol titime as a chéile de bharr nirt gnó na ndrugaí, agus an nasc atá idir lucht drugaí, péas, agus polaiteoirí.

Faraor, ní tugtar aird ar úafáis sa ‘Tríú Domhain’, muna mbíonn daoine geala ina n-íobartaigh. Tá na meáin sna tíortha forbartha ag déanamh ciorruithe, go háirithe ar thuairisceoireacht idirnáisiúnta. An tuairisceoireacht a déantar, is saor-iriseoirí ar bheagán pá ó na tíortha bochta is mó a dhéanann – gur beag aird, faraor, a tugtar orthu. Mar a deir an sean-nath: “Anyone here been raped and speak English.”

Na buncreidmhigh a rinne an t-ionsaí ar Charlie Hebdo, bhain siad le dream atá ag déanamh áir ar iriseoirí sna tíortha Musulmacha le blianta. Dúnmaraíodh 58 iriseoir san Ailgéir ó 1992.

Tá sé i bhfad ró-shimplí a rá gurb iad tíortha an Iarthair a chruthaigh na fórsaí seo. Tá sé fíor a rá gur thug an t-Iarthar tacaíocht dóibh, mar gur fórsaí coiméadacha a bhí iontu. Ba san Afganastáin ach go háirithe a tháinig siad chun tosaigh, ag troid in éadán an Aontais Sóibhéidigh ó 1979 amach. Tugadh tacaíocht dóibh mar go raibh siad ag troid in éadán Sadaam Hussein san Iráic, Ghaddafi sa Libia, agus an Uachtaráin Assad sa tSír. Nár chuala rialtais an Iarthair riamh faoi Frankenstein?

Bhain an bheirt a dhúnmharaigh iriseoirí Charlie Hebdo le ‘Gréasán Buttes-Chaumont’, gréasán scéimhleoireachta atá bainte le Daesh (an Stát Ioslamach). Dhúnmharaigh an gréasán sin beirt den eite chlé sa Túinis dhá bhliain ó shoin. Rinneadh sin chun bac a chur ar t-iompú i dtreo an daonlathais.  

Ar ndóigh, bhí siad naimhdeach do sprid Charlie Hebdo. Cinnte, ní raibh Charlie Hebdo ar bhlas an uile duine. Ba mhinic gáirsiúil, maslach, Diamhaslach, ainsrianta é. Ba mhinic, dar le cuid mhór daoine, gan greannmhar é. Ach tá sé riachtanach go mbeadh saoirse cainte aige.

Tá an Front National agus dreamanna eile ón eite dheis ag éirí teacht i dtír ar an ionsaí. Dúirt Marine Le Pen, ceannaire an Front National, gur “íde-eolaíocht dúnmharfach” a bhí ciontach. Thugadh Charlie Hebdo fúithi go fíochmhar – níos fíochmhaire ná faoin Ioslamachas.

Cinnte, dhiúltódh na h-íobartaigh le tacaíocht óna leithéidí. Bhain siad uilig leis an eite chlé, le gluaiseachtaí frith- caipitlí, frith-ciníoch. Ba de bhunadh Musulmach beirt orthu siúd a dúnmaraíodh. Tá eite clé na Fraince, chomh scaipthe agus atá, ag déanamh a dhícheall le hoidhreacht s’acu a chosc uirthi. Faraor, tá an cuma ar chúrsaí gur ar a leas a bheidh an t-úafás a tharla.

Nó tá préamhacha doimhne ag an eite dheis sa bhFrainc. Luaitear ‘Ioslamach’ agus ‘scéimhleoireacht’ le céile anois. Ach níorbh Ioslamaigh a bhí ciontach as an t-eachtra scéimhleoireachta ba mheasa sa bhFrainc. Mharaigh scéimhleoirí an Organisation armée secrete (OAS – antoiscigh a sheas in éadán neamhspléachais na hAilgéire) 27 nuair a phléasc siad traen idir Strasbourg agus Páras Mí Meitheamh 1961.

Agus seo dá scríobh, trí lá i ndiaidh an eachtra, tá ionsaithe dá ndéanamh ar Mhusulmaigh sa bhFrainc. Bheadh íobartaigh Charlie Hebdo orthu siúd a dhéanfadh a gcomharsan Musulmacha a chosaint.

Piceanna: Patrick Kamenka + SDLP