Des Boal - greatest defence lawyer of his generation 

(A slightly edited version of this was published in the Irish Times May 2nd 2015)

Desmond Boal – born 6^th August 1928, died April 23^rd 2015

Des Boal was the greatest criminal defence barrister in of his generation in the North. He was a devastating cross-examiner who rarely took a note, being gifted with total recall. At one stage the North’s criminal court system almost ground to a halt because every defence team wanted Boal.

He was a significant figure in Northern politics. From the 1960s he had been an advisor to the young Ian Paisley. He had the ability to analyse a complex piece of legislation in minutes. He was one of the founders of the DUP, and one of its first group of MPs. Even after leaving active politics he continued to advise Paisley. He also had no problem in publicly dressing down Paisley, being capable of silencing the ‘Big Man’.

Boal was complex, well explained by his reason for breaking with Paisley. “I could never accept what he did going into government with so many of those guys I defended in court,” he said. However, in the 1970s he was involved in secret talks with Republicans. At one stage, he came out in support of a Federal Ireland.

As a politician, he was perceived as a right-wing Unionist. As a barrister, he effectively defended Republicans, including during some of the North’s biggest-ever trials. His defence strategy played a big part in discrediting the ‘supergrass’ system in the early 1980s.

Criminal law was not his only legal expertise: he was also expert in planning law.

Boal was a member of the old Stormont parliament. In 1960 he was elected as MP for the Shankill, holding the seat until Stormont was prorogued in 1972.

In the 1960s he was the most effective Unionist critic of Terence O’Neill, whom he saw as representating ‘Big House’ Unionism. While to the right of Unionism, he always showed independence. The Unionist Party suspended him for voting for a Labour motion of censure on the Unionist government for its social and economic policies. He gathered signatures of MPs calling for the elderly Lord Brookeborough to resign as Prime Minister. He opposed the decision in the mid-60s to site a new university in Coleraine rather than Derry, and spoke strongly for Derry in Stormont. He was against the death penalty, and opposed internment in 1971. He wanted the DUP to have radical social and economic policies to appeal to Catholics.

His personality too was complex. He was fiercely opposed to alcohol and tobacco. However, he was an enthusiastic gambler, running legendary poker schools in his house. He had a box at Fairyhouse Racecourse. Refusing to use it on Sundays, he often lent it to less Sabbitarian colleagues.

Boal revelled in flouting convention. During a dispute about legal aid payments, he went on a deputation of Northern lawyers to the British Lord Chancellor - wearing a large pair of rough brown boots for the occasion.

Desmond Norman Orr Boal was born beside St Columb’s Cathedral within the walled city of Derry, third of five children and only son to James Boal, a cashier, and his wife Kathleen (née Walker). He was educated at First Derry Primary School, the Cathedral Primary School, and Foyle College (all in Derry); Portora Royal School in Enniskillen: then proceeding to Trinity College Dublin and London’s Inner Temple for his law studies.

As a student and young man, he travelled widely in Africa and Asia, visiting Afghanistan at one stage. For many years he took an interest in Buddhism, and used visit Nepal to practise meditation. An anecdote illustrates Boal’s complexity. A fellow-barrister was dining with his daughter in restaurant, where Boal was at another table. Boal spoke to his colleague, and left before them. When the colleague went to pay, he found Boal had paid for the meal, but not the bottle of wine.

Desmond Boal is survived by wife Annette and sisters Maureen, Kathleen, Una and Deirdre

Former soldier refused anonymity

(An edited version of this piece was published in the Sunday World 26th April 2015)

A judge at Omagh Magistrates Court has refused to grant anonymity to a former soldier who appeared yesterday charged with the attempted murder of a learning disable man in 1974. The victim, John Patrick Cunningham, was killed in controversial circumstances by an army patrol near Benburb, Co Tyrone.

The accused, Dennis Hutchings, appeared in the dock, flanked by a single police officer. The 73 year old accused did not speak except to confirm his identity and that he understood the charge. Hutchings was grey-haired, strongly built, wearing black-framed glasses and a body-warmer.

A police officer said he could connect the accused to the charge. A prosecution lawyer said he had no objection to bail. Judge Nigel Broderick granted bail, on Hutchings’ own surety of £500.

Defence lawyer Stephen Clarke applied for reporting restrictions to prevent any details that could identify the defendant being published. He said this was because of Hutchings’ rights under Article 2 of the Human Rights Act. The lawyer said this was “given the nature of the offence, and the emotive nature of the incident.” He would seek a risk assessment from police.

A prosecution lawyer objected. “Justice in this jurisdiction is open,” he said.

The Judge asked the prosecution if there was any “evidence that there is a real and immediate risk to the defendant’s life.” The prosecution lawyer said there was not.

Judge Broderick refused the defence application. “The media should be able to report details of criminal offences,” he said. “There must be a real and immediate risk to the defendant’s life.”

He remanded Hutchings, of New Road, Cawsand Torpoint, Cornwall, to Dungannon Magistrates Court on June 6^th. He excused the defendant from attending.

Omagh bomb accused may be bailed

(An edited version of this piece was published in the Sunday World April 26th 2014)

The South’s Department of Justice is seeking advice from the Irish Attorney General as to whether it can release certain evidence against the only man accused of the Omagh bombing, a prosecution lawyer told Omagh Magistrates Court on Tuesday. Seamus Daly appeared at the Court by videolink from Maghaberry Prison, charged with 29 murders, and four counts relating to explosions.

The lawyer told the Court the advice related to identification evidence against Daly, and statements he allegedly made in Garda custody. “This is because of a Supreme Court decision that searches under Section 29 of the Offences Against the State Act were illegal,” the lawyer said. “We cannot see how this can be unconstitutional.” He said that a witness had picked out a photo of Daly as being the person who used the phone on August 15^th 1998, the day of the bombing. “The evidence of the eyewitness in the Republic of Ireland is critical against Mr Daly,” the lawyer said. During questioning by Garda, Daly had admitted he owned the phone.

The lawyer said the Public Prosecution Service and PSNI had met the Guards about telephone evidence on Monday of this week. “During the meeting, it was indicated by the Guards that the phone evidence had been collated,” he said. However, he said two court hearings were required before it could be handed over. “It should be with the Public Prosecution Service in six weeks,” he said.

The lawyer said the Public Prosecution Service had requested the evidence in September last year in an International Letter of Request. It is to seek clarity as to when the material will be delivered.

A defence lawyer accused the Public Prosecution Service of “undue delay. All the evidence was in existence from 1998. Now it has transpired we have no date as to when evidence against Mr Daly will be transferred to this jurisdiction.” He appealed for his client to be released on bail.

Judge Bernie Kelly said she was becoming somewhat concerned. Addressing the prosecution lawyer, she said “If you are not in a more definite position in six weeks time, the case for bail is strengthened.” The lawyer said: “That is perfectly reasonable.”

Judge Kelly remanded 44 year old Daly, of Kilnassaggart Road, Jonesborough, Co Armagh, in continuing custody until Mary 19^th. “Two weeks beyond that, there should be a response,” she said. She told the defence lawyer that he might wish to put the Prosecution on notice at the May 19^th hearing that he was applying for bail.

Stereoid dealer faces new charges

(An edited version of this piece was published in the Sunday World April 19th 2015)

Convicted Omagh stereoid dealer Justin McGinn is now facing prosecution for not having planning permission for his gym. McGinn appeared briefly at Omagh Magistrates Court on a charge of failing to apply for planning permission, after being served with a notice ordering him to do so. McGinn’s gym at Ashfield Terrace, Omagh, is in a building where the planning permission is for a shop.

Judge Bernie Kelly remanded McGinn, whose age was not given, of Ashfield Terrace, Omagh, to appear again at Omagh Magistrates Court on April 21^st.

 

McGinn pleaded guilty at Omagh Crown Court last month to nine counts of possessing Class C drugs with intent to supply. Judge Ramsey ordered him to carry out 200 hours community service. A prosecution lawyer had told the court that police searching the gym found Clenbuterol tablets: testosterone and other stereoids in glass vials: and anabolic stereoids in a shoe box. They followed up with a search of McGinn’s home, and found £2,300 in cash.

Court overturns expulsion from school

(An edited version of this piece was published in the Sunday World April 19th 2015)

An Enniskillen father said he has been vindicated after a Judicial Review overturned a school’s expulsion of his son. The Children’s Commissioner has also welcomed the verdice.  Justice O’Hara found the Principal and Board of Governors of St Joseph’s College, Enniskillen, had failed to follow proper procedures in expelling Shaun Reid. The Judge also found against the Western Education and Library Board, after its Expulsions Appeals Tribunal had upheld the expulsion.

Harry Reid took the Judicial Review on behalf of his son, Shaun Reid. St Joseph’s College, had expelled the 15-year old after a classroom fight in March 2013. “There was an injustice done to my son Shaun,” Harry Reid said. “God knows how many people they have done this to before. With the judgement, they’ll not make the mistake any more.”

Harry Reid said the past two years were very hard on both he and his son. “People don’t realise what stress is till something like this happens,” he said. “Over the last couple of years, I’ve had cancer, diabetes, and chronic back pain. What do you think yourself caused that?”

When Harry Reid saw Judge O’Hara’s judgement quashing the expulsion “it lifted a huge weight from my shoulders.” The Judge found the school had failed to carry out proper procedures, and expelled Shaun Reid without examining alternatives. “I declare that the failure of the principal and chairman of the Board of Governors at the consultative meeting on 16 April 2013 to consider alternative measures short of expulsion was contrary to the requirements of the statutory scheme,” the Judge said in his judgement.

The Council for Catholic Maintained Schools’ scheme for expulsion “makes it clear that expulsion can only be considered ‘after all reasonable courses of action have been explored’.” The scheme “requires some expression of alternatives to expulsion and why they are not sufficient.” These were not investigated.

The Judge queried procedures from the start of the expulsion. “Mr Reid’s allegations that he was told that Shaun would be suspended for 10 days is supported by the fact that after the meeting a letter to that effect was sent by the principal,” the judgement said. “That letter was irregular because the maximum permissible period for an initial suspension is five days.”

Headmaster James Jackson-Ware recommended expulsion to the Board of Governors due to an accumulation of incidents during Shaun Reid’s time at St Joseph’s College. This had culminated in the fight. However, the Judge ruled the Chair of the Board of Governors had exaggerated the number of incidents involving Shaun Reid.

Harry Reid said he was concerned at how the school handled the whole issue. Immediately after Shaun was first suspended, he felt despair. “I was getting nowhere,” he said. “Every door was shut against me till I got legal advice.”

Harry Reid is very grateful to a social worker. He went to see her when Shaun was suspended. “I was out of my mind,” he said. “I told her what had happened. She asked me to sit down, and made a phone call. She came back and told me ‘They can’t suspend Shaun for 10 days. He can only be suspended for five days’. ”

He felt everything was stacked against him. “The big problem is I wasn’t allowed representation at the first meeting with the school, and at the Board of Governors,” he said. “In my case, the chair of the Board of Governors was a solicitor, there were doctors and teachers on it. How can a simple person like myself deal with all of that? When I approached the Northern Ireland Commission for Children and young people, they wouldn’t even allow them to go.”

He said he wouldn’t have won without the help of his solicitor, Andrew Montague, his barrister, Desmond Hutton, and Sinéad Mallon from the Commission for Children.

He is angry that because of the expulsion, Shaun didn’t sit his GCSE. “He was denied the chance of dong his exams, of getting qualifications,” he said.

Harry Reid said other children had been wrongly expelled right across Northern Ireland, but had nobody able to speak up for them. “I want to prevent this happening in future to any other parent,” he said. “Shaun had got on the wrong side of the school authorities. They jumped the gun when the fight happened, and didn’t follow the proper procedures. There are procedures there to be followed. In this case, they weren’t.”

Koulla Yiasouma, the Children’s Commissioner, said she was very pleased the Court found that alternative measures to expulsion should have been considered.

“The Northern Ireland Commission for Children and Young People was refused admittance to the meeting which took place between the school and the family to discuss potential outcomes,” she said. “Had we been permitted to attend, we could have ensured compliance with the Council for Catholic Maintained Schools (CCMS) Scheme for the Suspension and Expulsion of Pupils, without the need for legal proceedings.”

His best day was sitting the High Court. Judge O’Hara pointed to the difference between the statement of Ms Sproule, the teacher in class at the time of the fight, and headmaster Jackson-Ware. “That vindicated me and my son,” he said. When the judge said ‘the one who came off best was suspended’.” (Note – I was in the High Court and the Judge said this).

The stress has taken its toll on Harry Reid’s health. “

Irish Jews speak up for Palestinians

(An edited version of this was published in An tUltach, March 2015)

Tá Giúdaigh in Éirinn ag seasamh amach in éadán na leatroma ar Phailistínígh. Labhair mé le beirt Gaeilgeoir ina measc i gcaifé i lár Bhéil Feirste – Sue Pentel agus iníon s’aici, Aisling Nic Eoin, atá ar bhunaitheoirí Jewish Voice for a Just Peace.

Bhí an bheirt ar a mbealach chuig cruinniú den Palestine Solidarity Campaign. Rinneamar ár mbealach trí babhla ológa

Mhínigh Sue go bhfuil clár simplí ag an eagraíocht, gur “Giúdaigh in Éirinn sinn a sheasann leis an phobal Pailistíneach, atá ag iarraidh tacaíocht a thabhairt do choimhlint na bPailistíneach ar son cearta daonna, agus nach n-aontaíonn le polásaí an rialtais in Iosrael. Mothaimid gur gá dúinn seasamh a ghlacadh, agus gan glacadh leis an leatrom atá déanta ar na Pailistínígh le tamall fada. Caithfidh mé a rá gur thug na h-eachtraí, agus na h-eachtraí tragóideacha, a tharla thar an samhradh, gur thug siad cic dom. Spreag siad muid le rud éigean a dhéanamh, agus gan bheith ag labhairt faoi.”

Diúltaíonn Sue agus Aisling don bharúil go labhrann Benjamin Netanyahu ar son an phobail Giúdaigh. “Ar an chéad dul síos, tá formhór na nGiúdach ina gcónaí taobh amuigh d’Iosrael,” arsa Sue. Diúltaíonn sí don Síónachas. “Ní thiocfadh liom glacadh leis, mar Giúdach, mar Giúdach ó chúlra cráifeach, leis na rudaí atá Netanyahu ag déanamh. Ní thiocfadh liom bheith den bharúil go dtig liomsa bheith saor má leagaim mo chos ar an phobal Pailistíneach, go bhfuil cead agam na Pailistínígh a chur amach as talamh s’acusan, as tithe s’acusan.”

Tá Aisling chomh tréan céanna. “Mar Giúdach, mothaím go bhfuil dualgas orm seasamh suas don daonlathas agus do chearta daonna – agus chomh maith, as an traidisiún eile inar tógadh mé, sa phobal Gaeilge,” ar sise. “Mothaím gur dualgas atá ann mar go bhfuil na rudaí seo ag tarlú i m’ainm, in anim mo mháthar, in ainm mo chlainne.”

Togadh Sue féin i bpobal Giúdach i Londain. “Nuair a bhí mise óg, d’fhoghlaim mé faoin Uileloscadh,” ar sise. “Caithfidh mé a rá, ag pointe áirithe, go raibh mé ró-dhírithe ar sin.” Thug sí léi ceacht faoi cearta daonna as sin.

“Níor ghlac mé leis ó bhí mé óg gur ghlac duine ar bith na Giúdaigh thar daoine ar bith eile,” ar sise. “Níl mé compórdach le sin. Tá frith-Giúdachas ann, tá ciníochas ann, so feicim mar a dúirt Aisling go bhfuil dualgas orainn seasamh in éadán gach rud a bhaineann dínít agus cearta daonna ó duine ar bith. Is cuma cén dath atá orthu, nó cá h-as a dtagann siad.”

Feiceann sí cosúlachtaí le h-Éirinn, sa dóigh gur scuabadh sean-logainmneacha Pailistíneacha chun siúil in Iosrael. “Mar duine atá anseo le níos mó ná 30 bliain, agus go bhfuil suim agam sa chultúr Gaelach, feicim gur tharla an rud céanna anseo nuair a ghlac na Sasanaigh – cé gur Sasanach mé – seilbh ar an tír seo, agus go ndearna siad suirbhé ar na h-ainmneacha Gaeilge, rinne siad ath-baisteadh orthu,” ar sise.

Mar Giúdach “is féidir liom bheith i mo shaoránach d’Iosrael, is féidir liom cónaí ann, cionn is gur Giúdach mé, ach más Pailistíneach mé, ní féidir liom, agus más Pailistíneach thú, is féidir liom tú a chur amach as do theach.”

Tá olc uirthi go bhfuil rialtas Iosraeil ag glacadh seilbhe ar níos mó talún. Dar leis an rialtas gur ar son sábháilteachta an phobail Giúdaigh. “A mhalairt atá ann,” ar sise. “Sin an áit is lú sábháilteachta do Ghiúdaigh.”

Tá bród uirthi as na daoine a tháinig amach as an Uileloscadh, agus a thugann tacaíocht do na Pailistínígh, mar go dtuigeann siad nach bhfuil an locht ar an phobal Pailistíneach as an Uileloscadh.

Tá geiteonna sa dúchas ag Sue, nó tháinig a sinsear ó geiteo in oirthear na hEorpa. Anois, in ainm s’acu, tá Gaza ar an gheiteo is mó ar domhain.

Tá Sue níos gníomhaí ar cheist na bPailistíneach le tamall. “Nuair a tháinig mé anseo i dtús báire, bhí mé gníomhach ar son cearta daoinna in Éirinn,” ar sise.  “I ndiaidh tamaill, chonacthas dom go raibh obair le déanamh anseo, agus shocraigh mé bheith I mo bhall den Irish Palestine Solidarity Campaign. Bhí mé ag éirí grúpa Giúdach a bhunú, ach níl an pobal Giúdach in Éirinn iontach mór.” Bhuail sí le Jo Bird as Doire, agus bhunaigh siad an grúpa.

Tá Aisling chomh tógtha céanna faoin leatrom. Is cuimhin léise bheith ag foghlaim faoin Dara Cogadh Mor agus an t-Uileloscadh ar scoil. “Bhí sin iomlán difriúil ó na ranganna eile,” arsa Aisling. “Cionn is go raibh an ceangal sin ann. Is cuimhin liom nuair a bhí mé ag amharc ar Al Jazeera agus na rudaí ar fad a bhí ag tarlú i rith an t-samhraidh, agus bhí na mothúcháin céanna ann.”  Níos measa aici “tá sé ag tarlú in ár n-ainm.”

Agus sin téama a théann fríd an comhrá. Tá daoine muinteartha le Sue in Iosrael. Ainneoin gan iad bheith ar aon intinn faoin Phailistín, réitíonn siad lena gcéile - ach níl sí chun cuairt a chur orthu. “Ní raibh mé riamh in Iosrael, agus ní bheidh,” ar sise. “Rachaidh mé go Pailistín.”

Tá imní uirthi faoin phobal Giúdach, nó feiceann sí an saghas bunúsachas atá ag teacht chun cinn sa phobal Ioslamach sa phobal Giúdach chomh maith, ina measc cuid dá lucht aitheantais i Londain. Clúdaíonn mná a gcinn, caitheann siad éadaí traidisiúnta. Níl cead ag bean dul amach gan a ceann bheith clúdaithe. Caithfidh lámha agus cosa bheith clúdaithe. Tá fir agus na mná scartha. In éineacht le sin, creideann siad gur thug Dia Iosrael dóibh. “Ní creidim i nDia,” arsa Sue, agus í ag gáire.

B’aistear a thug chun na Gaeilge í. “Tá mé iontach bródúil as mo chúlra, as bheith i mo Ghiúdach,” ar sise. Ghlac glúin a tuismitheoirí i Londain leis gur ceart “a gcinn a chur síos agus obair go crua. Ní raibh mise iontach compórdach le sin, bhí mé ag iarraidh na scéalta. Spreag sin mo shuim san Uileloisceadh.” Bhí suim aici, chomh maith, i stair an teaghlaigh.

Agus í ina déagóir, chuaigh sí ar ranganna Eabhraise – go dtí lá mar a raibh mórshiúil in éadán cogaidh Vítnam ar an lá céanna “agus chuaigh mé ar an mhórshiúil.” Chuaigh sí leis an pholaitíocht réabhlóideach, gur léigh Marx. Chuaigh sí go hOllscoil Kent, mar a raibh pobal mór ón dTuaisceart - agus grúpa tréan sóisialach ann. “Bhuail mé le fear, agus sin é,” ar sise. “Tháinig mé anseo i mile naoi gcéad seachtó’s a sé. Bhí clann s’aige iontach foscailte dom.”

Bhí cónaí orthu in Iarthar Bhéil Feirste, rugadh páistí, agus bhí scolaíocht le tabhairt dóibh – agus gur scoileanna Caitliceacha uilig a bhí sa cheantar. “D’amharc muid ar an ghluaiseacht idircreidmheach, agus ní raibh muid iontach sásta le sin. Mhothaigh muid go raibh na Caitlicigh ar thaobh amháin, ná Protastúnaigh ar thaobh eile – cá mbeadh na Giúdaigh, na Giúdaigh aindiagacha? Agus mhothaigh muid go mbeimis ag tabhairt na páistí amach as pobal s’againne.” B’shin nó bhí dúil aici bheith ina cónaí lámh le tuismitheoirí a fir céile.

Chláraigh siad an céad páiste le Bunscoil, chuaigh Sue ag obair ann go lán-aimseartha “agus bhí orm Gaeilge a fhoghlaim, sin tús agus deireadh an scéil.” Tá sí anois ag obair go lánaimseartha san earnáil, agus an Ghaeilge mar chuid dá dúchas.

Janet Muller - continuing the campaign for an Irish Language Act

(An edited version of this piece was published in 'An tUltach', March 2015

Tá áthas ar Janet Muller, príomh-fheidhmeannach Phobail, leis an dóigh go bhfuil ag éirí leo agus iad ag ag stocaireacht ar son Achta Gaeilge. Mar chuid den fheachtas atá acu, bhí saincruinniú i gColáiste Mhuire, Béal Feirste, ag tús na míosa.

Mar chuid den saincruinniú sin, bhí beirt de na saineolaithe ab fhearr ar domhain. B’iad an tOllamh Colin Williams ón mBreatain Bheag, agus an tOllamh Robert Dunbar as Albain. Tá Williams eolach ach go háirithe ar chúrsaí sa Bhreatain Bheag, san Fhionlainn agus i gCeanada. Maidir le Dunbar, tá sé ar na príomh-shaineolaithe dlí sa domhan agus i gcothabháil agus athneartú teangacha mionlaigh. Mar Albanach, tá ar ndóigh an-cur amach aige ar chúrsaí Gàidhlig in Albain – is saineolaí é ag Comhairle na hEorpa.

Dar le Janet go bhfuil táithí idirnáisiúnta riachtanach. “Tá sé i gcónaí iontach tábhachtach an comhairle is tábhachtaí a fháil,” ar sise. Tá sé mar bhua ag an bheirt go bhfuil eolas acu faoi na deacrachtaí a bhíonn ann ó thaobh reachtaíochta. “Bíonn na constachtaí seo faoi chaibidil,” ar sise.

Is gné iontach tábhachtach den cheist sin. “Feiceann siad na rudaí nach n-oibríonn,” ar sise. Baineann cleachtadh idirnáisiúnta s’acu ach go háirithe le míreanna reachtaíochta nach bhfuil cruinn. “Tá sé riachtanach na ceachtanna sin a chur ó thaobh na h-áite mar a bhfuilimid ó thaobh na Gaeilge,” ar sise. “Sílim nár choir do phobal na Gaeilge ná don Roinn Cultúir, Ealaíon agus Fóillíochta bheith ag athcruthú an rotha, agus amharc ar chleachtanna oibre a rinneadh i dtíortha eile.”

Ní ar dhornán tíortha atá Janet agus Pobal ag amharc, ach ar achan tír mar a bhfuil reachtaíocht teangan.

Ní féidir cleachtadh tíre eile a iomportáil chun an Tuaiscirt, ar ndóigh. Tá cúinsí faoi leith ann. Cuireadh reachtaíocht i bhfeidhm gan móran bheith ag cur ina n-éadán sa Bhreatain Bheag, in Albain, agus i gcuid de Cheanada. Tá cearta láidre i gceist sna tíortha sin, agus iad níos laige i dtíortha eile.

Má tá ceacht amháin gur cheart a thbhairt isteach sa Tuaisceart, is é go bhfuil réimse leathan de chearta riachtanach. “Ní fiú cearta cúnga sa reachtaíocht,” ar sise. Ní cearta a bhíonn ansin, nó bíonn reachtaíocht cúng ina chontúirt. “Bheadh naimhde na Gaeilge ábalta a rá – ‘ní deireann an reachtaíocht sin’,” ar sise. “Is é an rud ná go mbeadh sé iomlán soiléar cad é tá ar ranna stáit agus seirbhísí poiblí a dhéanamh. Is é an cheacht ón gcleachtadh idirnáisiúnta ná go mbíonn fadhbanna muna bhfuil moltaí comhleanúnacha, muna bhfuil cearta soiléire, agus muna réimse agus leithne cearta reathaithe.

Tá sampla den scoth den rud nár cheart a dhéanamh ar leac an dorais. “Ní gá dul ró-fhada,” arsa Janet. “Sa Deisceart! Ní fiú Bille muna bhfuil toil leis an Bhille a chur i bhfeidhm.” Ma bhí Acht ann, ní raibh an toil ann ansin.

Leagann Janet síos coinníollacha. “Tá tábhacht le reachtaíocht atá soiléar go leoir le seirbhisí a chruthú, agus dualgaisí cuimsitheacha a chur ar ranna stáit,” ar sise. “Tá sé tábhachtach go mbeadh meá cothrom ar fáil. Tá sé iontach tábhachtach go mbeadh cáipéisí ar fáil trí Gaeilge, ach tá seirbhísí de dhíth.”

Dhéanfadh soláthar seirbhisí saol na Gaeilge a fhorbairt. Bheadh ar an stát daoine a n-earcadh le seirbhísí a chur ar fáil. Bheadh sé riachtanach traenáil agus sain-traenáil a thabhairt dóibh.

Leanann buntáistí eile ó sin. “Ceann de na rudaí is tábhachtaí ná teagasc na Gaeilge do pháistí,” ar sise. “Táimid ag iarraidh córas láidir Gaelscolaíochta. Ba cheart go mbeadh ceart ag gach tuismitheoir páiste a chur chuig Gaelscoil.”

Ní sin an t-aon ceart amháin ó thaobh scolaíochta. “Ba cheart gur coir go mbeadh sé de cheart ag gach tuismitheoirí an Ghaeilge a bheith dá theagasc i scoileanna Béarla,” ar sise. “Sa Bhreatain Bheag, rinne sin an difear.

“Thar cúpla glúin tá an chuid is mó de na daoine ag foghlaim Breathnaise ar scoil. Bhí gach duine ábalta cúpla focal a rá. Cé nár lean achan duine den teanga, d’aithin siad a luach.”

Tá go leoir le foghlaim ó achan cearn den domhain. Dar le Janet gurb é an buntáiste atá ag Pobal ná go bhfuil siad ag glacadh le fíor-saineolas ar bhonn idirnáisiúnta.

Aithníonn sí gur cheist pholaitiúil atá ann chomh miath. “Tá sé ionteach tábhachtach teachtaireacht iontach láidir a thabhairt do pholaiteoirí,” ar sise. Tá sin le déanamh cinnte nach ndéanfaidh siad ach na rud gur mhaith leo a phiocadh amah. Tá an saineolas riachtanach, leis, le bheith ag plé le polaiteoirí.

Caithfear rud eile a dhéanamh agus pobal na Gaeilge ag plé le polaiteoirí. “Tá sé riachtanach na moltaí bheith scríofa síos ar pháipéar,” ar sise. “Ní bheith polaiteoirí ábalta cur chuige roghnach a dhéanamh.”

Tá cainteanna ag dul ar aghaidh go leanúnach leis na páirtithe polaitiúla. Agus ní páirtithe an Tuaiscirt amháin atá i gceist. Bhuail toscaireacht ó Phobal le hAndrew Murrison, Fo-Rúnaí Stáit Parlaiminte in Oifig Thuaisceart Éireann. “Rinneadh an cás go láidir gur gheall Rialtas na Breataine i 2006 gur cheart an tAcht a chur isteach,” arsa Janet.

Má rinneadh an gealltanas sin i 2006, tá díomá ar Janet nach amhlaidh anois. “Tá sé ráite ag Cearál (Ní Chuilín, an tAire Cultúr, Ealaíon agus Fóillíocht) nach bhfuil comhaontú aici ó Rialtas na Breataine maidir le hAcht Gaeilge,” arsa Janet. “Tá sé ráite, leis, nach raibh comhaontú ó na hAontachtaithe ar léibhéal an Tionóil.”

Tá idir imní agus díomá ar Janet. “Bhí an-imní orainn nuair a chonaiceamar an Stormont House Agreement,” ar sise. “Ní raibh rud ar bith súntasach ann faoin Ghaeilge, Níor luadh Acht na Gaeilge.”

Tá sé tábhachtach gur chinn Cearál Ní Chuilín ar chomhairliúchán eile “le go bhfaighfeadh na polaiteoirí amach cad é tá de dhíth ar phobal na Gaeilge.” Tá doiciméid ar shuíomh Pobal a bheadh ina gcuidiú ag daoine atá ag tabhairt freagraí ar an chomhairliúchán. “Tá fadhb le próiséas comhairliúcháin, sin go mbainfeadh polaiteoirí úsáid as muna mbeadh freagraí cruinn,” arsa Janet. Dar léi go bhfuil sé tábhachtach go mbainfí úsáid as saineolas agus sain-táithí idirnáisiúnta le freagraí a thabhairt. Leis, ba cheart úsáid a bhaint as na moltaí deimhne.

Creideann Janet go leanfaidh pobal na Gaeilge ag brú leo ar son Achta, agus ag cur an brú sin ar an trí rialtais, agus “ar na páirtithe, bíodh siad Aontachtach nó Náisiúnach.” Is cinnte go bhfuil rún ag Janet gan stopadh go mbeidh Acht ann.